The American people always have to tag things, you know I remember he talked to me one time about the atomic bomb. Especially about his meeting with Stalin. He said that he was sure that Stalin didn't know anything about the atomic bomb. And he doubted if he got through to him the monstrous impact of it. At their meeting at Potsdam, I believe it was, President. Truman had indicated to him that he was thinking of dropping one of these instruments on the Japanese. He, Mr.
Stalin, didn't seem to react in a way that indicated to Mr. Truman that he even knew the bomb was in the making, which is amazing. Many people, including Mr. Edgar Hoover, thought the Russians not only knew of the bomb but had its secret.
The effectiveness of the security -- in which Mr. Truman had no little part -- was complete. It was a powder keg and to be able to keep as good a secret as it was, particularly in Washington, is tremendous. I was there. When I went I thought we would -- in fact Mr. Truman had talked to me about it -- nominate Sam Rayburn for Vice. He had a place there at the Blackstone I believe is the hotel.
Truman was there too. And I remember Mr. Hannegan asking me if I would call down to Mr. Rayburn and find out whether or not we could get him to come to the convention. Rayburn had an opponent, he was running for the House again; he had to run every two years and his opponent was a fellow named [G.
So it appears that every time that he had an off year he ran against Mr. I suppose he did that in. As you know the Speaker was one who thought that his duty was to make certain that he took care of his constituents. So he told me that he couldn't come up there. There was a big problem anyway with reference to Mr. Rayburn; the Texas delegation to the Convention was not sympathetic to him.
I had gone around to its headquarters two or three times trying to see how they felt and, being Assistant Attorney General, they would talk nice to me. They knew who I was, of course, and that I was close to Mr.
Hence I learned little. And so I sent a friend from Illinois around there, a friend of mine We never did have a majority vote on it; I doubt if we would have been able to get a vote that was favorable.
Rayburn express any views on whether or not he would have liked to have had the nomination for Vice President? He said he thought that Mr. Truman would be the one. Rayburn was one to think that being the Speaker was quite a high position. He was very fond, as you know, of Mr. Truman and had been ever since Mr. Truman came here, and so after our telephone talk we began to work for Mr.
And I remember well the vice-presidential nomination depended upon who Mr. Roosevelt would support, and we had been working on that for some time. As you know, Mr. Wallace was a very able and honorable man, had served well during Mr.
Roosevelt's terms, not only as the Secretary but as the Vice President and had very fine connections. Indeed his father was Secretary of Agriculture also.
However, people began to point up to Mr. Roosevelt the problem that he might have, after all he had already been elected President three times, so that he ought to get a running mate, particularly in the war situation, who would not have that tinge. And I understand Miss [Marguerite A. Truman's name was not first on it but it was. And this talk got CLARK: Bob Hannegan's a very close friend of mine and we worked hand in glove on political matters, and I'm -- I was there, I was satisfied that he would have told me if it had been anything like that, because he knew that I also was close to Mr.
And he never said a word about it. The tale is supposed to be that Bob sent it back and asked her to type Mr. Truman's name first. But I don't think that happened, I think his name was there originally. The one that I saw had his name on it as number one and I'm satisfied it was the genuine document. I know. I don't think there was any other one. I think that Mr.
Roosevelt had -- as you know he was a very forceful person -- tight control over the presidential office. He played his cards pretty close to his chest and I don't think he took up too many matters with Mr.
HESS: Did you feel that President Roosevelt took as much of an interest in who had the second place on the ticket in as he did in ? He did write a letter in which he said that if he were a delegate he would vote for Henry Wallace, but nothing as definite. What's your view on Mr. Roosevelt's view of who was to be on the ticket with him? Roosevelt didn't give the impetus or attach the gravity to it that some of the political minds, like Mr.
Hannegan did and as a consequence I don't think President Roosevelt thought it was necessary to make a change. As a matter of fact, it may be that he was being a little devious about it, I don't know. I know we had some problems. I know Senator [Samuel D. HESS: One of my earliest political memories is listening to the radio and to the crowds in the galleries shouting, "We want Wallace. Well I was there. There were shouts and the Senator pounded the gavel and said, "We adjourn.
I think the situation was that Mr. Truman being the number one on Mr. Roosevelt's list, and having the standing that he did, which was very strong, that he had the inside track for it from the very beginning. He sort of held back. He told me that he thought Sam would be great. And I don't think that he -- in fact I know that Mr.
Truman didn't push his candidacy at the outset. Truman to put his, Byrnes's, name in nomination and Mr. Truman had agreed to? Truman says he thinks Byrnes knew that his, Mr.
Truman's, name was under consideration when he phoned, and that his call was an effort to try to cut the ground out from under him.
Do you think that there's any likelihood of that? From what I've known later of Mr. Byrnes activity at that time, it is altogether probable. He did a great job.
He went around the country and I remember I made quite a few talks. I was appointed -- well let's see, about February '43 I guess it was, along in there. So we had a packet that Mr. Truman and Bob Hannegan and the Committee got up that we would send out for speakers to use. And of course, Mr. Truman as you well know is quite an effective speaker, very forceful.
And he had such a sincere ring in his voice that he always did pretty good and was very effective. I remember one in New York and I believe one in California somewhere out there. I was in Missouri when he spoke also. Yes many times, mostly on radio. The TV was just in its beginnings and radio had started about the campaign.
I remember Al Smith always pronounced it radio, and you'd have to have a crystal set but by it was a very sophisticated piece of machinery, but the TV was not. I remember I bought my first TV -- oh, two or three months before the election. Yes, before November Some people point to a later date, around the election or around the campaign. Roosevelt intimately. But Mr. Roosevelt, as you remember, Roosevelt came down to Texas when Johnson initially ran for Congress.
I have a newspaper picture, it's not here, if I had that picture I could tell you the exact time. I think Johnson's first race was about -- it must be , '38 along in there, it might be a little before. Back there then President. Roosevelt was a very dynamic person, full of energy with his eyes always bright and twinkling and his voice with a lilt. And he would handle himself better although he was under great difficulties with those legs that he had all -- but he could handle himself better than I could.
Oh, I was about 30 years younger, I guess. But from time to time when I would see him, which wouldn't be too often, perhaps his physique was more noticeable to me, because I didn't see him very often. When you see people frequently, you don't notice it as much. But I noticed heavier lines and it seemed to be to me a slower lilt in his voice.
I think. I don't know of any man who was blasphemed more than Franklin Roosevelt. And while he had won his great victories, he had lost some. He went through the Court battle, for example, and all that, and of course, he had physical handicaps to begin with. So, it's remarkable that he was able to maintain himself. I remember well though when I went. So he stood out there and he and Mr. Truman were sworn in there. We'd always had that you know, at the Capitol. It may be that the war caused it, but seeing him as I did, I rather thought that perhaps his physical condition had something to do with it.
I came here in '37, it was about a week before Roosevelt sent his message up, and I was just a small-time lawyer. Senator Connally asked me to come up here and I thought at the time I was going to be an Assistant Attorney General, but when I got here they found out about the Court plan and I found myself what they called a special attorney.
And about two or three weeks after I had been in the Department they called me and said they wanted me to talk to Mr.
Connally about the. Court packing. But I told him I couldn't do it. One, I was against it and two, that I wouldn't have any influence with him. While my family was close to Senator Connally, I was not. So they took all of my work away from me in the Department.
And then Mr. Hughes, Chief Justice [Charles Evans] Hughes, directed the Federal trial courts to set down for a trial a backlog of war risk insurance and other cases. All the Government cases were called up for trial. The Chief Justice thought he would get the Department of Justice busy trying cases rather than trying to pass legislation on the Supreme Court.
As you remember Mr. They sent me out to try these cases. I went all over the United States and while I was gone most of the work on the Court bill was done and I didn't have anything to do with it at all. I think it was a bad suggestion, however it did end up in perhaps a very good solution, that was by giving the Justices their opportunity of retirement at the same salary as they got while active.
Many of them who were really beyond the age anyway elected to retire and since that time I think it has worked very well. As a matter of fact, adding three more Justices would not do the job; that would just add additional burdens. We have always considered the Court as one Court -- not nine Justices. In fact the Constitution says there shall be one Supreme Court and since the Congress said that there will be nine Justices, we decided that all nine of.
You wouldn't have one Court if you had a panel of three passing on cases, you wouldn't have but one-third of a Court. So we have always considered our Constitution required that every Justice pass on every matter whether it be a simple motion or a final decision after argument. So we have always followed that rule, if you had three more Justices you would have three more people to argue with, which would only delay and confuse our deliberations rather than expedite them.
I am not certain but it was somewhere in Texas. I had gone there on the way to Arizona, so I turned around and came back to Washington. Truman; I thought he would do a terrific job as President. He had always thought of the job as being an overwhelming, a crushing one. I remember when he first came in he spoke of how difficult it was going to be for him to handle it.
But I don't think any of us that knew of his work or knew him, had any doubts about it at all. He was a very decisive man and I think when you reach that echelon of governmental operation, decisiveness is one of the main attributes. The second one, would be honesty in making decisions, and certainly he had that. The third one would be after you have made a decision, to put it aside and not to fret over it, not to try to monitor it and see what the newspapers are going to say tomorrow and the next day.
He was a past master at that, I never saw anybody like him in my life and I've been honored to associate with quite a few people in high offices. But he was able to cast past decisions aside and take up new problems, which, of course, were pressing all the time.
He had a new one every minute. So as a consequence he was able to give his undivided attention to decisions of current matters, rather than fretting over old decisions. He was always quick and very decisive. He held a Cabinet meeting on Friday and I would stay over and talk to him about vacant judgeships and things like that.
Two or three times on judicial appointments he had some ideas of his own, for example, Senator Burton, and he had been on the Truman Committee. As a matter of fact I had his name on the list of suggestions for a successor to Justice Roberts. I had a practice of putting three names on the list of nominees. Since Mr. Truman had been in the Congress I thought we should put a Congressman or Senator on the list.
Then I'd. The then Secretary of War, Mr. Burton down and the third choice I think was a judge from California, he was a trial judge, his name was McCormick and he was the chief judge in Los Angeles. I had tried cases out there and I knew him long and very favorably. So I talked to President Truman about Patterson, and he said, "Well the only problem is that Bob handled all the procurement during the war.
And of course, the President was very close to the procurement picture but I just know that he thought well of Bob. What you might do, he said, was to talk to Bob and see if he thought he would be foreclosed from testifying as a Supreme Court Justice.
The 80th Congress was determined to investigate procurement of all kinds. So I talked to Mr. Patterson, I didn't tell him that I'd talked to the President at all. I just said, "Well I was thinking of making up my list and of course he being a brother Cabinet officer, I thought of him, and I wondered what he thought about the procurement investigations. Could he testify after going on the Court about procurement problems occurring while he was Secretary?
So I reported back to the President -- it was on a Saturday -- and before I got to report back to him on Monday, he called me Saturday afternoon and he said, "Have you seen Patterson? I said, "Well it didn't matter I did not relate to him anything about you and I talking. He doesn't know anything about your having made a decision on it.
He said, "Well, I've decided on Senator Burton. Then one other time the only two Particularly for the first vacancy, now this was the first vacancy that Mr. Truman had a chance to fill on the Court. Why do you think he filled it with a Republican or did politics just not enter into it?
You see Patterson was a Republican also. I rather think Mr. Truman had known Senator Burton very closely of course, had been associated with him on his Committee and was not only a great admirer of his, but also personally fond of him.
And I think that he thought that Burton would make an ideal Justice, which he did. So I rather doubt if it was an effort to try to show nonpartisanship or things of that kind. I doubt if he even thought about it. CLARK: And particularly because he was such a staunch Democrat, they had tried at times -- oh, all sorts of things, like Pendergast and everything else that you'd have thought.
Many of the papers would have thought that he would appoint a Democrat right off, regardless of his feelings towards Burton or anybody else. But I rather think that he had in mind primarily of course, well who would be a good man for the Court?
Are you aware that you are the only one that did not serve in either the House or the Senate? Fred Vinson and he were old friends.
I think they knew one another when Fred was in the House. He was on the Ways and Means. I'm sure they did. They were in the same class, as they call it.
And he was on there when Mr. Truman elevated him to the Supreme Court. But I think his experience as a judge from '41 to '49 was very strong -- had emphasis in Mr. Truman's mind. Truman had gone, as you know, to law school at night for one year, but he did not have a law license. He had been a judge, as you know, but He was the County Judge.
We have the same position in Texas. What we call the County Judge. The time of the death of Chief Justice [Harlan F. Stone had a little attack on the bench and he died that night. Bob [Robert H. And so Bob made a tirade against Black from Germany. CLARK: He had a press conference over there at Nuremberg, or Paris, somewhere over in Europe, and tied it to a case that had been argued during Bob's absence, in which a former law partner of Black's had been one of the attorneys.
Well of course, Black had been on the bench then for -- he came on in and this was in , some nine years, and so you can't just keep staying out of cases forever. I stayed out of some cases when I came here from the Department of Justice. Our son, Ramsey, argued a case here in the Court, but I stayed out of it.
Ordinarily, after all those years, a Justice would not stay out of the case. I didn't think there was much foundation to Bob's blast, but it caused the President some troubles. Although I don't think he was going to appoint Black. He was looking more. So we had to try to figure out just who would be the best peacemaker. The President asked me to talk to Chief Justice Hughes, who had retired but was still living in Washington.
I called him and asked if I could come to see him and he said, "No," he would come see me. We decided we'd go to the White House and he told the President that in his view Vinson would be an ideal person for it. Vinson was then Secretary of the Treasury as you remember and, of course, we had been considering Vinson. Some sources seemed to think Vinson was more political than he was judicial, although he had served with distinction on the Court of Appeals here in the District,.
And Hughes thought very highly of him. I think that was rather decisive in Truman making up his mind although he and Vinson were close friends.
We played poker together at times -- several of us, including Vinson and the President. They were close friends. Sometimes you overlook people who are quite close to you. While he had not overlooked Vinson he had not reached any decision until he did talk to Hughes. Which was a very good decision. Vinson was well received on the Court and that's quite important, because a Chief Justice can disrupt the Court and everybody got along splendidly with him.
HESS: '37 as an attorney. HESS: and ' Do you recall anything that we ought to put down about that? What were your main duties? What were your views on the. Francis Biddle, who was then Attorney General, asked me to come to Washington. And he told me that Mr. Roosevelt wanted to have a civilian that would take some of the military emphasis off of this Japanese problem on the west coast. The difficulty was to figure out who they could get.
They didn't know anybody that had offices up and down the coast, where the citizens of Japanese descent lived and they did not want to organize new offices at that time. They asked me to take on the job.
My home was in Beverly Hills and our chief office was in Los Angeles. So it would entail my having to go up and down the coast usually by United Airlines, but sometimes General [John L. We took over a hotel in San Francisco and organized a group that would handle the relocation, this was before the Relocation Authority was created.
This group consisted of people from each of the agencies of the Government, for example Milton Eisenhower was for Agriculture, Governor [M. Then we had the people that took the census, I think the director of the Bureau.
We took over this hotel and put these people in there and the census people began to find where the citizens of Japanese descent lived. We got some big sample tables like salesmen use and they put the raw reports out on the table.
Inside of, oh, 60 days they could tell us exactly the city blocks where the people of Japanese descent lived. Meanwhile the engineers, Army Engineers, began their job of building the cantonments, the camps. The first one was Santa Anita. They took over the race track and changed the stalls into apartments, very nice apartments; put in running water and everything.
Then they built the Tule Lake camp that was up in the mountains and some down in the desert. Meanwhile, General DeWitt and myself surveyed the West to find places where we might build camps where the internees would be received.
There was a lot of antipathy and much personal enmity. We finally located three or four camps outside of the west coast area, but the largest ones were along the west coast. There's been much talk about this episode in our history. HESS: Let's go back to the beginning. Looking back what was the view at that time just after Pearl Harbor? What was the thinking at that time on the necessity for relocating the Japanese, or moving the Japanese away from the coast?
The Congress passed an Act that authorized a commanding general, it didn't mention DeWitt, but the commanding generals in strategic areas to remove people from the area or to have a curfew.
Our idea was to have a curfew. At first DeWitt put in a curfew. But the sentiment in California was very, very strong and had been oh, for almost a century. Not necessarily against the Japanese, but against the yellow race. First it built up into a yellow peril complex. The people were already for it in We had quite a few incidents that were unfortunate; for example, one night we had what we thought was an air raid on Los Angeles.
I had just come in from San Francisco. Mary had a German maid who called to me from the bottom of the stairway. I was upstairs and. I could see the search lights converging out towards Santa Monica. Your mind fools your eye sometimes.
I thought I saw anti-aircraft flames and one thing and another. Then the next morning the Los Angeles Times had big headlines, "L. So that caused a furor of course. Then we had one incident at Long Beach where somebody found a bomb on the beach and they claimed it was put there by a one-man Japanese submarine.
And many times when I was in San Francisco, which I was almost every day, people would call and say they. We had thousands of letters about people of Japanese descent; for example one would say, there's a General of the Japanese Army or Admiral in the Navy who lives at such and such a place.
And so we would get pretty quick service and we found that in most instances they did have uniforms, but they were uniforms of a lodge, like the Masonic Lodge. A person in Santa Monica might pull down his window curtain a certain distance and then let it up, etc.
This was thought to be a signal to a boat at sea. We never found an instance where there was any actual signaling was going on; somebody's curtain busted once or twice, and that was all there was to that. But there was, in addition to the yellow peril hysteria, an economic situation. The Japanese are the greatest stoop laborers, I suppose in the world.
The climate, soil, etc. However most California land was taken and they were obliged to take it where they could. This would ordinarily be in areas that no one else would want to live because it was too hazardous for a yellow skinned person;. It might also be hazardous because it would be around high tension wires or transformer stations; or it might be in a switching yard where there are several railroad tracks and things like that; or perhaps it might be a reservoir dam, land right below the dam, where they might have big rocks and other debris that has accumulated there before they built the dam or was left over concrete, etc.
Well these people of Japanese extraction would get to work and they would dig the rocks out and bring in some soil, fertilizer and water and the first thing you know they'd have a right nice garden. I well remember headline after headline and hundreds of letters and telegrams I would receive about Tule Lake -- I think the name, a reservoir. I am not certain at this late date but I think that it was a lake up there in the hills where Los Angeles got its water.
This hatred was a serious problem for the Japanese themselves; they began to dropping off, some found dead, others. And I would get telegrams from people in small communities saying: "If you don't get these 'damn Japs' out of here you are going to find them dead," and similar threats. So I finally concluded that perhaps for their own sake we ought to try to do something to protect them.
Frankly, I suggested, and Mr. Hoover insisted, that we take care of the Japanese in the same manner that we were handling Germans and the Italians. That was on the basis of individual prosecutions; or what some people call mass trials, but they weren't really mass ones. You might have nine or ten defendants in a conspiracy case. And we convicted quite a few, perhaps a thousand, that we call "Nazi," during the war.
The cases were filed in various district courts, particularly, I remember, in Brooklyn; and we had a squad of witnesses and. It was, of course, the same background in each case which permitted the use of the same witnesses in various courts. The individual action of a defendant would have to be proven by specific witnesses as to specific conduct; and, it would be different of course.
As a rule we had no trouble but we had one case here in the District of Columbia that gave us some; but no violence or anything like that.
Honestly we didn't have any trouble with the Japanese; as a matter of fact the Japanese were not interned until I'd say April or May ; that is the first ones; and some of them were not moved until much later in the war.
And we never suffered any sabotage, either in Hawaii or on the west coast. We could have done without it. Of course your hindsight is much better than your foresight; also you have to put it in the perspective of the time, which was that there was a great hullabaloo about getting them out of California, or something would happen to them.
And now that is all over I rather think that perhaps it was for the best. A large percent of them did not go back to the original homes. I think less than half of them went back to California. The rest of them are scattered over the United States.
I had a meeting here with the Japanese-American Association, I think they call it, and they had no chip on their shoulder; there was no acrimony. In fact they gave me a beautiful etching that one of their people had drawn.
It's just been four or five weeks ago. So I rather think that while it was a very, very. But it was also a bad experience for us. But I hope that it will teach us a lesson, that it is not necessary to do these things. Clark, Washington, D. By Jerry N. Hess, Harry S. Karl, el gran Marx no es el gran Marx de la familia Marx. La suya fue la mugrienta realidad de todas las familias proletarias del mundo. Al contrario que su salud, no se quiebra en Yenny su fe en el hombre con el que comparte destino.
Yenny y su familia son oscuros trabajadores a destajo. Yenny observa a sus hijos vivos correr por los parques de Londres. Los Marx tuvieron lugar en la historia. John Clark , from Ann Arbor, Michigan takes vintage books and overlays portraits on the text, resulting in a one of a kind story-portrait with a literary history. A modern accent to the classics. I leave a bit of text floating in the background to add the hint of a story to the piece. He found inspiration from the language of old mystery novels and the work of comic book and graffiti artists, as well as the artists of classic pulp novel covers.
He has found a successful market for his work using Etsy. Follow the link to check out a gallery of his work. That is pretty amazing to see it done in that fashion I mostly see work like this done through Photoshop. Thanks for sharing! The portraits on his Etsy page, which you linked to, look awesome.
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